Euro

United Kingdom Workwear Market Outlook to 2024 - ResearchAndMarkets.com

Retrieved on: 
Wednesday, December 23, 2020

The "United Kingdom: Workwear 2014-2024" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.

Key Points: 
  • The "United Kingdom: Workwear 2014-2024" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.
  • The "United Kingdom: Workwear" report forecasts the market evolution at an average annual rate of 0.6% to the level of 410,456 thousand euro in 2024.
  • The first part of this chapter contains the detailed historical analysis, segmented on the two destination markets of the products, the domestic market and the non-domestic market (exports).
  • Also, the results are divided into destination markets of the products, the domestic market and non-domestic market (exports).

United Kingdom Spectacles and Googles Market Outlook to 2024 - ResearchAndMarkets.com

Retrieved on: 
Wednesday, December 23, 2020

The "United Kingdom: Spectacles and Googles 2014-2024" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.

Key Points: 
  • The "United Kingdom: Spectacles and Googles 2014-2024" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.
  • This report forecasts the market evolution at an average annual rate of -6.5% to the level of 205,010 thousand euro in 2024.
  • The first part of this chapter contains the detailed historical analysis, segmented on the two destination markets of the products, the domestic market and the non-domestic market (exports).
  • Also, the results are divided into destination markets of the products, the domestic market and non-domestic market (exports).

The Central and Eastern Europe Fund, Inc., The European Equity Fund, Inc., and The New Germany Fund, Inc. Make Yearly Distribution Announcements

Retrieved on: 
Friday, December 18, 2020

The European Equity Fund, Inc. and The New Germany Fund, Inc.

Key Points: 
  • The European Equity Fund, Inc. and The New Germany Fund, Inc.
  • Investing in foreign securities, particularly of emerging markets, presents certain risks, such as currency fluctuations, political and economic changes, and market risks.
  • The Central and Eastern Europe Fund, Inc.
  • Investing in foreign securities presents certain risks, such as currency fluctuations, political and economic changes, and market risks.

Isabel Schnabel: The importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policy

Retrieved on: 
Thursday, December 17, 2020

SPEECHThe importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policySpeech by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, as part of the seminar series “Havarie Europa. Zur Pathogenese europäischer Gegenwarten” at the Hamburg Institute for Social Research (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung) Frankfurt am Main, 16 December 2020 Ladies and gentlemen, Thank you for inviting me to join this seminar series.

Key Points: 


SPEECH

The importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policy

    Speech by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, as part of the seminar series “Havarie Europa. Zur Pathogenese europäischer Gegenwarten” at the Hamburg Institute for Social Research (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung)

      • Frankfurt am Main, 16 December 2020 Ladies and gentlemen, Thank you for inviting me to join this seminar series.
      • The seminar series Havarie Europa, literally translated as shipwreck Europe, touches on a topic that all proponents of European integration are forced to deal with time and again: euro-scepticism.
      • At present, the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic is posing huge challenges for the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).
      • European institutions and national governments have responded rapidly and comprehensively to mitigate the economic impact of the pandemic.
      • In the long run, a high degree of public trust will ensure European institutions capacity to act.

    The relevance of trust for central banks

      • The trust of citizens in the ECB and public support for the euro are essential for the effectiveness of our monetary policy and the independence of the central bank.
      • Why is public trust so critically important for central banks?
      • Furthermore, stable money and public trust in central banks are essential to generate broad acceptance of their independence in the population at large.
      • Independence protects central banks against political interference and thus underpins the credibility of monetary policy.
      • By contrast, a lack of public trust can render the central bank more vulnerable to political pressure.
      • The tasks carried out by many central banks have become more diverse, for instance in the areas of banking supervision and financial stability.
      • Many central banks today perform important functions in the field of macroprudential supervision, which deals with questions of systemic financial stability.
      • Since the financial crisis, central banks therefore face new challenges relating to their communication and accountability.

    Trust in the ECB and the euro: empirical results


      Public trust in European institutions and the ECB can be analysed using public surveys and empirical research.[3] The Eurobarometer survey offers a good basis for such an analysis, given that it provides data on trust in the currency union covering the entire period since its inception.

    Descriptive analysis: trust in the ECB and the euro over time

      • Trust in the ECB similar to trust in European institutions overall has declined in the years following the financial crisis.
      • [4] Net trust, the difference between the share of respondents who trust the ECB and those who do not, has been almost continuously negative for nearly ten years (Figure 1).
      • Figure 1 Net trust in the ECB and net support for the euro.
      • At first glance, this divergence between a comparatively low level of trust in the ECB on the one hand and growing support for the euro on the other hand appears contradictory, since the ECB, as a European institution, is responsible for the single currency.
      • It is therefore important to analyse this divergence more precisely by considering different euro area countries and groups in the population.
      • [5] In terms of attitudes towards the ECB and the euro, four groups can be distinguished: monetary union sceptics (red), who neither support the euro nor trust the ECB; ECB-sceptics (yellow), who support the euro, but do not trust the ECB; euro-sceptics (blue), who do not support the euro, but trust the ECB; and monetary union supporters (green), who support the euro and trust the ECB (Figure 2).
      • For the euro area as a whole, monetary union supporters represent the largest share of the population in most years.
      • The share of this group reached its lowest point in 2014 in the wake of the European sovereign debt crisis, but has grown to around 40% since 2016 (Figure 3).
      • Empirical data do, however, also show an increase in the share of respondents who support the euro but have no trust in the ECB.
      • However, this overall picture for the euro area conceals heterogeneous developments in individual Member States.
      • An analysis of empirical data at the country level suggests that attitudes towards the monetary union depend on economic developments.
      • Countries that were severely affected by the financial crisis, such as Greece and Spain, experienced a relatively sharp decline in public support (Figure 4).
      • By contrast, the number of monetary union supporters in countries less affected by the financial crisis remained at a relatively high level.

    Descriptive analysis: trust in the ECB and the euro by socio-economic characteristics

      • The analysis at country level provides initial indications that citizens perceptions of the economic situation influence their attitudes towards the monetary union.
      • The consideration of individual socio-economic characteristics confirms this conjecture: survey data support the conclusion that citizens who assess the current economic outlook in Europe positively are more supportive of the monetary union (Figure 5).
      • Monetary union supporters constitute the clear majority among those respondents who assess the European economic situation at the time of the survey as rather good or very good.
      • Conversely, monetary union sceptics form the largest group among those respondents who perceive the economy to be in a very bad state.


      A similar picture emerges when considering respondents’ personal financial situation. Those respondents who consider their own financial situation to be rather good or very good tend to be more supportive of the monetary union. Conversely, respondents with financial difficulties are more sceptical of the monetary union (Figure 6). Figure 6 Attitudes towards EMU by perception of the current economic situation of own household. Percentages

      • People with a higher level of education are more likely to support the monetary union (Figure 7).
      • For instance, manual workers and unemployed individuals display much lower levels of trust than white-collar workers and self-employed individuals.
      • [10] Figure 7 Attitudes towards EMU by educational level (age upon completion of full-time education).


      However, no systematic differences in trust in the ECB and the single currency emerge when comparing differences in trust among various birth cohorts (Figure 8).[11] Figure 8 Attitudes towards EMU by birth cohort. Percentages

    Multivariate analyses: trust in the ECB and the euro

      • The descriptive analysis of Eurobarometer data can only provide limited insights into the key factors that influence trust in the ECB and the euro.
      • Multivariate analyses confirm the influence of socio-economic variables on individuals trust in the ECB.
      • (2016) argue that the perception of future economic developments plays an important role: trust in the ECB grows with a more positive assessment of the economic outlook.
      • (2010) find that factual expertise regarding the ECB is accompanied by greater trust in the institution.
      • (2013) observe that there is a link between general support for EU institutions and trust in the ECB.
      • [19] Studies also allow for a distinction to be drawn between those factors that affect trust in the ECB and support for the euro.
      • Trust in the ECB, on the other hand, hinges more on the citizens satisfaction with the concrete performance of the EU and in particular its economic achievements.

    Trust in the ECB during the pandemic – initial findings

      • These insights highlight the importance of successful economic policy to sustain and strengthen citizens trust in public institutions in the long term.
      • The severe economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic is therefore a major challenge to citizens trust in the ECB, the euro and the European Union in general.
      • At the beginning of the pandemic period, the ECB was confronted with a dramatically deteriorating situation in financial markets.
      • The Composite Indicator of Systemic Stress (CISS) used by the ECB indicates that this policy response has averted a severe financial market crisis in the spring of 2020 (Figure 9).
      • The ECBs crisis measures consist mainly of a new temporary asset purchase programme, tailored specifically to the pandemic crisis the pandemic emergency purchase programme (PEPP).
      • In addition, the ECB provides ample liquidity to banks at highly favourable conditions, thus ensuring that they continue to lend to businesses and households in the euro area.
      • The ECBs crisis measures thus ensure the smooth transmission of our monetary policy measures to the entire euro area.
      • The economic consequences of the pandemic have especially affected those countries that already had relatively high debt levels prior to the crisis and where confidence in the ECB was rather low.
      • It is undisputed that the large-scale monetary and fiscal policy measures cushioned the financial impact of the crisis significantly.
      • However, it is still impossible to fully predict the impact on citizens trust in the ECB and the euro.
      • The latest survey data can nevertheless offer some tentative, though rather sobering insights into how public trust has evolved over the course of the pandemic crisis.
      • [23] By contrast, net trust in the ECB has fallen somewhat.
      • Meanwhile, the latest survey results indicate that trust in national institutions seems to have increased over the course of the pandemic crisis (see Figure11).
      • Indeed, according to early surveys, a majority of respondents in the euro area (61%) indicates satisfaction with the measures introduced by national governments.
      • At the same time, respondents have split views regarding the measures taken by European institutions during the pandemic period: only 45% of respondents view the crisis measures implemented to date favourably.
      • 88% are in favour of the EU drawing up an economic recovery plan to support all Member States.
      • [26] According to many experts, the pandemic has demonstrated that European institutions, including the ECB, already have the capacity to effectively counteract an economic crisis in the euro area.

    Measures to foster trust in the monetary union


      What can European institutions take away from these findings?

    Monetary and fiscal policy as a way out of the crisis

      • Without a European policy response, Member States would have depended solely on their own fiscal space.
      • The empirical findings suggest that such a divergence at country level would weaken trust in European institutions in some parts of the euro area.
      • A common monetary policy is an integral part of the European crisis response as it underpins the economic recovery by ensuring favourable financing conditions and ample liquidity provision.
      • This allows monetary and fiscal policy measures to complement and reinforce each other.

    Long-term deepening of European integration

      • The European fiscal and monetary policy response to the crisis can only be a starting point.
      • Nevertheless, the crisis has been countered decisively by means of a policy response at European level in contrast to previous times.
      • However, this does not alter the premise that a deepening of European integration would be important to support economic convergence in Europe, thus also increasing the effectiveness of our single monetary policy.
      • On the one hand, there is a need for further European integration when it comes to the creation of common fiscal instruments at the European level and the reform of the fiscal framework.

    Improving monetary policy communication

      • A broad-based communication strategy is essential in our efforts to improve the publics understanding of the ECBs mandate and tasks.
      • We must ask ourselves how we can ensure that our communication reaches all citizens across the entire euro area.
      • Furthermore, our communication has so far largely focused on market participants and monetary policy experts this has done little to help the general public better understand monetary policy.
      • The development of a more effective communication policy will therefore be a key topic in the context of our comprehensive monetary policy strategy review that we launched a few months ago.
      • This dialogue will require us to engage with citizens expectations regarding the ECBs role and to evaluate what these expectations imply for the review of our monetary policy strategy.

    Conclusions and outlook

    Isabel Schnabel: The importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policy

    Retrieved on: 
    Thursday, December 17, 2020

    SPEECHThe importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policySpeech by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, as part of the seminar series “Havarie Europa. Zur Pathogenese europäischer Gegenwarten” at the Hamburg Institute for Social Research (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung) Frankfurt am Main, 16 December 2020 Ladies and gentlemen, Thank you for inviting me to join this seminar series.

    Key Points: 


    SPEECH

    The importance of trust for the ECB’s monetary policy

      Speech by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, as part of the seminar series “Havarie Europa. Zur Pathogenese europäischer Gegenwarten” at the Hamburg Institute for Social Research (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung)

        • Frankfurt am Main, 16 December 2020 Ladies and gentlemen, Thank you for inviting me to join this seminar series.
        • The seminar series Havarie Europa, literally translated as shipwreck Europe, touches on a topic that all proponents of European integration are forced to deal with time and again: euro-scepticism.
        • At present, the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic is posing huge challenges for the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU).
        • European institutions and national governments have responded rapidly and comprehensively to mitigate the economic impact of the pandemic.
        • In the long run, a high degree of public trust will ensure European institutions capacity to act.

      The relevance of trust for central banks

        • The trust of citizens in the ECB and public support for the euro are essential for the effectiveness of our monetary policy and the independence of the central bank.
        • Why is public trust so critically important for central banks?
        • Furthermore, stable money and public trust in central banks are essential to generate broad acceptance of their independence in the population at large.
        • Independence protects central banks against political interference and thus underpins the credibility of monetary policy.
        • By contrast, a lack of public trust can render the central bank more vulnerable to political pressure.
        • The tasks carried out by many central banks have become more diverse, for instance in the areas of banking supervision and financial stability.
        • Many central banks today perform important functions in the field of macroprudential supervision, which deals with questions of systemic financial stability.
        • Since the financial crisis, central banks therefore face new challenges relating to their communication and accountability.

      Trust in the ECB and the euro: empirical results


        Public trust in European institutions and the ECB can be analysed using public surveys and empirical research.[3] The Eurobarometer survey offers a good basis for such an analysis, given that it provides data on trust in the currency union covering the entire period since its inception.

      Descriptive analysis: trust in the ECB and the euro over time

        • Trust in the ECB similar to trust in European institutions overall has declined in the years following the financial crisis.
        • [4] Net trust, the difference between the share of respondents who trust the ECB and those who do not, has been almost continuously negative for nearly ten years (Figure 1).
        • Figure 1 Net trust in the ECB and net support for the euro.
        • At first glance, this divergence between a comparatively low level of trust in the ECB on the one hand and growing support for the euro on the other hand appears contradictory, since the ECB, as a European institution, is responsible for the single currency.
        • It is therefore important to analyse this divergence more precisely by considering different euro area countries and groups in the population.
        • [5] In terms of attitudes towards the ECB and the euro, four groups can be distinguished: monetary union sceptics (red), who neither support the euro nor trust the ECB; ECB-sceptics (yellow), who support the euro, but do not trust the ECB; euro-sceptics (blue), who do not support the euro, but trust the ECB; and monetary union supporters (green), who support the euro and trust the ECB (Figure 2).
        • For the euro area as a whole, monetary union supporters represent the largest share of the population in most years.
        • The share of this group reached its lowest point in 2014 in the wake of the European sovereign debt crisis, but has grown to around 40% since 2016 (Figure 3).
        • Empirical data do, however, also show an increase in the share of respondents who support the euro but have no trust in the ECB.
        • However, this overall picture for the euro area conceals heterogeneous developments in individual Member States.
        • An analysis of empirical data at the country level suggests that attitudes towards the monetary union depend on economic developments.
        • Countries that were severely affected by the financial crisis, such as Greece and Spain, experienced a relatively sharp decline in public support (Figure 4).
        • By contrast, the number of monetary union supporters in countries less affected by the financial crisis remained at a relatively high level.

      Descriptive analysis: trust in the ECB and the euro by socio-economic characteristics

        • The analysis at country level provides initial indications that citizens perceptions of the economic situation influence their attitudes towards the monetary union.
        • The consideration of individual socio-economic characteristics confirms this conjecture: survey data support the conclusion that citizens who assess the current economic outlook in Europe positively are more supportive of the monetary union (Figure 5).
        • Monetary union supporters constitute the clear majority among those respondents who assess the European economic situation at the time of the survey as rather good or very good.
        • Conversely, monetary union sceptics form the largest group among those respondents who perceive the economy to be in a very bad state.


        A similar picture emerges when considering respondents’ personal financial situation. Those respondents who consider their own financial situation to be rather good or very good tend to be more supportive of the monetary union. Conversely, respondents with financial difficulties are more sceptical of the monetary union (Figure 6). Figure 6 Attitudes towards EMU by perception of the current economic situation of own household. Percentages

        • People with a higher level of education are more likely to support the monetary union (Figure 7).
        • For instance, manual workers and unemployed individuals display much lower levels of trust than white-collar workers and self-employed individuals.
        • [10] Figure 7 Attitudes towards EMU by educational level (age upon completion of full-time education).


        However, no systematic differences in trust in the ECB and the single currency emerge when comparing differences in trust among various birth cohorts (Figure 8).[11] Figure 8 Attitudes towards EMU by birth cohort. Percentages

      Multivariate analyses: trust in the ECB and the euro

        • The descriptive analysis of Eurobarometer data can only provide limited insights into the key factors that influence trust in the ECB and the euro.
        • Multivariate analyses confirm the influence of socio-economic variables on individuals trust in the ECB.
        • (2016) argue that the perception of future economic developments plays an important role: trust in the ECB grows with a more positive assessment of the economic outlook.
        • (2010) find that factual expertise regarding the ECB is accompanied by greater trust in the institution.
        • (2013) observe that there is a link between general support for EU institutions and trust in the ECB.
        • [19] Studies also allow for a distinction to be drawn between those factors that affect trust in the ECB and support for the euro.
        • Trust in the ECB, on the other hand, hinges more on the citizens satisfaction with the concrete performance of the EU and in particular its economic achievements.

      Trust in the ECB during the pandemic – initial findings

        • These insights highlight the importance of successful economic policy to sustain and strengthen citizens trust in public institutions in the long term.
        • The severe economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic is therefore a major challenge to citizens trust in the ECB, the euro and the European Union in general.
        • At the beginning of the pandemic period, the ECB was confronted with a dramatically deteriorating situation in financial markets.
        • The Composite Indicator of Systemic Stress (CISS) used by the ECB indicates that this policy response has averted a severe financial market crisis in the spring of 2020 (Figure 9).
        • The ECBs crisis measures consist mainly of a new temporary asset purchase programme, tailored specifically to the pandemic crisis the pandemic emergency purchase programme (PEPP).
        • In addition, the ECB provides ample liquidity to banks at highly favourable conditions, thus ensuring that they continue to lend to businesses and households in the euro area.
        • The ECBs crisis measures thus ensure the smooth transmission of our monetary policy measures to the entire euro area.
        • The economic consequences of the pandemic have especially affected those countries that already had relatively high debt levels prior to the crisis and where confidence in the ECB was rather low.
        • It is undisputed that the large-scale monetary and fiscal policy measures cushioned the financial impact of the crisis significantly.
        • However, it is still impossible to fully predict the impact on citizens trust in the ECB and the euro.
        • The latest survey data can nevertheless offer some tentative, though rather sobering insights into how public trust has evolved over the course of the pandemic crisis.
        • [23] By contrast, net trust in the ECB has fallen somewhat.
        • Meanwhile, the latest survey results indicate that trust in national institutions seems to have increased over the course of the pandemic crisis (see Figure11).
        • Indeed, according to early surveys, a majority of respondents in the euro area (61%) indicates satisfaction with the measures introduced by national governments.
        • At the same time, respondents have split views regarding the measures taken by European institutions during the pandemic period: only 45% of respondents view the crisis measures implemented to date favourably.
        • 88% are in favour of the EU drawing up an economic recovery plan to support all Member States.
        • [26] According to many experts, the pandemic has demonstrated that European institutions, including the ECB, already have the capacity to effectively counteract an economic crisis in the euro area.

      Measures to foster trust in the monetary union


        What can European institutions take away from these findings?

      Monetary and fiscal policy as a way out of the crisis

        • Without a European policy response, Member States would have depended solely on their own fiscal space.
        • The empirical findings suggest that such a divergence at country level would weaken trust in European institutions in some parts of the euro area.
        • A common monetary policy is an integral part of the European crisis response as it underpins the economic recovery by ensuring favourable financing conditions and ample liquidity provision.
        • This allows monetary and fiscal policy measures to complement and reinforce each other.

      Long-term deepening of European integration

        • The European fiscal and monetary policy response to the crisis can only be a starting point.
        • Nevertheless, the crisis has been countered decisively by means of a policy response at European level in contrast to previous times.
        • However, this does not alter the premise that a deepening of European integration would be important to support economic convergence in Europe, thus also increasing the effectiveness of our single monetary policy.
        • On the one hand, there is a need for further European integration when it comes to the creation of common fiscal instruments at the European level and the reform of the fiscal framework.

      Improving monetary policy communication

        • A broad-based communication strategy is essential in our efforts to improve the publics understanding of the ECBs mandate and tasks.
        • We must ask ourselves how we can ensure that our communication reaches all citizens across the entire euro area.
        • Furthermore, our communication has so far largely focused on market participants and monetary policy experts this has done little to help the general public better understand monetary policy.
        • The development of a more effective communication policy will therefore be a key topic in the context of our comprehensive monetary policy strategy review that we launched a few months ago.
        • This dialogue will require us to engage with citizens expectations regarding the ECBs role and to evaluate what these expectations imply for the review of our monetary policy strategy.

      Conclusions and outlook

      Isabel Schnabel: Welcome address

      Retrieved on: 
      Tuesday, December 15, 2020

      SPEECHWelcome addressWelcome address by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the third roundtable on euro risk-free rates Frankfurt am Main, 14 December 2020 Good afternoon and welcome to the third roundtable of the industry working group on euro risk-free rates.

      Key Points: 


      SPEECH

      Welcome address

        Welcome address by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the third roundtable on euro risk-free rates

          • Frankfurt am Main, 14 December 2020 Good afternoon and welcome to the third roundtable of the industry working group on euro risk-free rates.
          • Not least, it has forced us to transition to virtual modes of working.
          • I very much hope that the public health situation will soon allow us to meet again in person.
          • Todays roundtable will provide a platform to exchange views on the development of robust fallback provisions for EURIBOR, which remains a systemically relevant benchmark.

        The motivation for robust EURIBOR fallback provisions

          • As a result, EURIBOR is still used extensively in both new and legacy contracts for cash and derivatives products.
          • Given that EURIBOR remains operational, why do we even need to discuss fallback arrangements?
          • If the benchmark rate ceased to exist, the absence of a fallback rate would expose the counterparties to substantial risk.
          • Fallback provisions therefore act as seatbelts for contractual arrangements in financial markets.
          • In fact, there is already a legal requirement to use fallback provisions.
          • In addition to these legal requirements, there is also a clear financial stability justification to ensure there are workable fallback provisions that reduce contractual uncertainties in the event of EURIBOR ceasing to exist.

        Public consultations: the role of the €STR as a fallback rate

          • However, this basic premise begs a more difficult question: what are feasible alternative rates that can be used if a fallback scenario is triggered?
          • In an effort to address this question, the working group has recently launched two public consultations.
          • The public consultations build on a common theme, namely the use of the ECBs STR in the proposed fallback measures.
          • For the public consultation, the working group has used two alternative STR-based approaches to approximate a term rate that could serve as a fallback.
          • Second, the working group has used realised values of the STR and compounded them over the interest period, thus deriving a backward-looking term rate.
          • The STR is a suitable rate for use in EURIBOR fallback arrangements.

        Discontinuation of EONIA: the urgent need for a rate transition

          • As EONIA has been converted into a STR tracker rate, the benefits of switching to the STR may not be immediately obvious.
          • There are two reasons why market participants should urgently work on their preparedness for an orderly transition from EONIA to the STR.
          • First, the discontinuation of EONIA is imminent, with its last publication scheduled for 3 January 2022.
          • If the proposed fallback provisions were ever activated, the market would have to rely extensively on the STR.
          • The ECB will continue to facilitate the replacement of EONIA in euro area markets by maintaining a robust and representative STR.

        Conclusion

          • The STR is an ideal candidate for this transition.
          • It can support market participants in building robust fallback procedures for a potential discontinuation of EURIBOR.
          • Users should therefore swiftly replace EONIA and make wider use of the STR in cash and derivatives markets.
          • I would also like to thank the ECB team that has been supporting the working group by providing the secretariat.
          • I now wish all of you an insightful and productive roundtable.

        Fabio Panetta: A commitment to the recovery

        Retrieved on: 
        Tuesday, December 15, 2020

        SPEECH A commitment to the recovery Speech by Fabio Panetta, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Rome Investment Forum 2020 Rome, 14 December 2020 2020 has been a year like no other.

        Key Points: 


        SPEECH

        A commitment to the recovery

          Speech by Fabio Panetta, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Rome Investment Forum 2020

            • Rome, 14 December 2020 2020 has been a year like no other.
            • But we have also seen a collective response that has no precedent in the history of our monetary union.
            • And now, with positive news on vaccines, we are finally able to glimpse the light at the end of the tunnel.
            • So what I would like to argue today is that policymakers must commit to continue providing certainty to the economy.
            • The end of the pandemic is now in sight, and we need to extend policy support in order to underpin the recovery.

          A common shock, a common response

            • The coronavirus (COVID-19) is a common shock that has had asymmetric effects[1], hurting some sectors and economies much more than others.
            • But what has defined this crisis and set it apart from previous ones is the policy response at the European level and the recognition that a common shock requires a common response.
            • The ECB has taken forceful monetary policy measures to stabilise markets and prevent a tightening of financing conditions.
            • And fiscal policy has empowered monetary policy by offsetting lost private sector income and enabling banks to support the real economy.
            • European policies the ECBs monetary policy and the joint EU fiscal support have generated a European dividend.
            • As a result, the euro area economy was able to stage a strong rebound over the summer, as containment measures were lifted.
            • This inflation weakness reflects the significant demand gap that the economy will be facing in the next two years.
            • So the question for policymakers is how to create certainty for businesses to invest once more.
            • [5] We cannot provide clarity about when the vaccine will be widely available or even how people will respond when that day comes.
            • But we can guarantee our commitment to support the recovery: the stabilisation effort should therefore continue until the economy is on a solid, durable recovery path.
            • For monetary policy, this means providing certainty about financing conditions well into the future.

          The ECB’s contribution: preserving favourable financing conditions

            • Since the very beginning of this crisis, the ECB has taken forceful measures to ensure that all sectors can benefit from favourable financing conditions.
            • Our measures are ensuring that households, firms and governments can benefit from very accommodative financing conditions throughout the euro area.
            • And in order to provide the certainty that the economy needs, the ECB is committed to preserving favourable financing conditions well into the future.
            • We have also extended the most favourable conditions on our TLTROs until June 2022 and broadened their size, in terms of maximum borrowing allowance.
            • Our commitment to preserve favourable financing conditions will support the strengthening of inflation dynamics in two main ways.
            • [9] Confidence in future financing conditions will remove obstacles to fiscal policy playing this role in full.
            • Firms will be able to take full advantage of favourable financing conditions and carry out their investment plans.
            • This is the second expansionary effect and, crucially, the ECBs commitment to preserve favourable financing conditions makes this effect more powerful over time.

          Investing in Europe’s recovery

            • They also need reassurance about future demand and growth.
            • We will exit this crisis with higher public and private debt levels everywhere, so achieving growth rates that remain higher than interest rates will be crucial.
            • For fiscal authorities, this means they should focus on high-quality, productive investment spending that lifts potential growth.
            • [11] Chart 2 Labour productivity growth and decomposition (period averages of annual percentage changes and percentage point contributions)
            • According to ECB estimates, NGEU funds could increase real output in the euro area by up to 1.5% by 2026 relative to the baseline scenario.
            • High efficiency and institutional quality will be key to maximising the benefits of NGEU.
            • For Italy, the possible gains are larger: up to 3.5% of GDP if funds are well invested.
            • [12] The gains will be highest if investment spending is targeted at the technologies and sectors that will drive the economy after the pandemic.
            • [13] More than half of EU firms expect to increase their use of digital technologies in response to COVID-19.
            • [14] This requires enhancing digital skills and infrastructure, in order to be ready to face the digital challenge.
            • [18] Investment to support the transition to a low-carbon economy will also be a key component of the recovery from the pandemic throughout the euro area.

          Conclusion

          Fabio Panetta: A commitment to the recovery

          Retrieved on: 
          Tuesday, December 15, 2020

          SPEECH A commitment to the recovery Speech by Fabio Panetta, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Rome Investment Forum 2020 Rome, 14 December 2020 2020 has been a year like no other.

          Key Points: 


          SPEECH

          A commitment to the recovery

            Speech by Fabio Panetta, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the Rome Investment Forum 2020

              • Rome, 14 December 2020 2020 has been a year like no other.
              • But we have also seen a collective response that has no precedent in the history of our monetary union.
              • And now, with positive news on vaccines, we are finally able to glimpse the light at the end of the tunnel.
              • So what I would like to argue today is that policymakers must commit to continue providing certainty to the economy.
              • The end of the pandemic is now in sight, and we need to extend policy support in order to underpin the recovery.

            A common shock, a common response

              • The coronavirus (COVID-19) is a common shock that has had asymmetric effects[1], hurting some sectors and economies much more than others.
              • But what has defined this crisis and set it apart from previous ones is the policy response at the European level and the recognition that a common shock requires a common response.
              • The ECB has taken forceful monetary policy measures to stabilise markets and prevent a tightening of financing conditions.
              • And fiscal policy has empowered monetary policy by offsetting lost private sector income and enabling banks to support the real economy.
              • European policies the ECBs monetary policy and the joint EU fiscal support have generated a European dividend.
              • As a result, the euro area economy was able to stage a strong rebound over the summer, as containment measures were lifted.
              • This inflation weakness reflects the significant demand gap that the economy will be facing in the next two years.
              • So the question for policymakers is how to create certainty for businesses to invest once more.
              • [5] We cannot provide clarity about when the vaccine will be widely available or even how people will respond when that day comes.
              • But we can guarantee our commitment to support the recovery: the stabilisation effort should therefore continue until the economy is on a solid, durable recovery path.
              • For monetary policy, this means providing certainty about financing conditions well into the future.

            The ECB’s contribution: preserving favourable financing conditions

              • Since the very beginning of this crisis, the ECB has taken forceful measures to ensure that all sectors can benefit from favourable financing conditions.
              • Our measures are ensuring that households, firms and governments can benefit from very accommodative financing conditions throughout the euro area.
              • And in order to provide the certainty that the economy needs, the ECB is committed to preserving favourable financing conditions well into the future.
              • We have also extended the most favourable conditions on our TLTROs until June 2022 and broadened their size, in terms of maximum borrowing allowance.
              • Our commitment to preserve favourable financing conditions will support the strengthening of inflation dynamics in two main ways.
              • [9] Confidence in future financing conditions will remove obstacles to fiscal policy playing this role in full.
              • Firms will be able to take full advantage of favourable financing conditions and carry out their investment plans.
              • This is the second expansionary effect and, crucially, the ECBs commitment to preserve favourable financing conditions makes this effect more powerful over time.

            Investing in Europe’s recovery

              • They also need reassurance about future demand and growth.
              • We will exit this crisis with higher public and private debt levels everywhere, so achieving growth rates that remain higher than interest rates will be crucial.
              • For fiscal authorities, this means they should focus on high-quality, productive investment spending that lifts potential growth.
              • [11] Chart 2 Labour productivity growth and decomposition (period averages of annual percentage changes and percentage point contributions)
              • According to ECB estimates, NGEU funds could increase real output in the euro area by up to 1.5% by 2026 relative to the baseline scenario.
              • High efficiency and institutional quality will be key to maximising the benefits of NGEU.
              • For Italy, the possible gains are larger: up to 3.5% of GDP if funds are well invested.
              • [12] The gains will be highest if investment spending is targeted at the technologies and sectors that will drive the economy after the pandemic.
              • [13] More than half of EU firms expect to increase their use of digital technologies in response to COVID-19.
              • [14] This requires enhancing digital skills and infrastructure, in order to be ready to face the digital challenge.
              • [18] Investment to support the transition to a low-carbon economy will also be a key component of the recovery from the pandemic throughout the euro area.

            Conclusion

            Isabel Schnabel: Welcome address

            Retrieved on: 
            Tuesday, December 15, 2020

            SPEECHWelcome addressWelcome address by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the third roundtable on euro risk-free rates Frankfurt am Main, 14 December 2020 Good afternoon and welcome to the third roundtable of the industry working group on euro risk-free rates.

            Key Points: 


            SPEECH

            Welcome address

              Welcome address by Isabel Schnabel, Member of the Executive Board of the ECB, at the third roundtable on euro risk-free rates

                • Frankfurt am Main, 14 December 2020 Good afternoon and welcome to the third roundtable of the industry working group on euro risk-free rates.
                • Not least, it has forced us to transition to virtual modes of working.
                • I very much hope that the public health situation will soon allow us to meet again in person.
                • Todays roundtable will provide a platform to exchange views on the development of robust fallback provisions for EURIBOR, which remains a systemically relevant benchmark.

              The motivation for robust EURIBOR fallback provisions

                • As a result, EURIBOR is still used extensively in both new and legacy contracts for cash and derivatives products.
                • Given that EURIBOR remains operational, why do we even need to discuss fallback arrangements?
                • If the benchmark rate ceased to exist, the absence of a fallback rate would expose the counterparties to substantial risk.
                • Fallback provisions therefore act as seatbelts for contractual arrangements in financial markets.
                • In fact, there is already a legal requirement to use fallback provisions.
                • In addition to these legal requirements, there is also a clear financial stability justification to ensure there are workable fallback provisions that reduce contractual uncertainties in the event of EURIBOR ceasing to exist.

              Public consultations: the role of the €STR as a fallback rate

                • However, this basic premise begs a more difficult question: what are feasible alternative rates that can be used if a fallback scenario is triggered?
                • In an effort to address this question, the working group has recently launched two public consultations.
                • The public consultations build on a common theme, namely the use of the ECBs STR in the proposed fallback measures.
                • For the public consultation, the working group has used two alternative STR-based approaches to approximate a term rate that could serve as a fallback.
                • Second, the working group has used realised values of the STR and compounded them over the interest period, thus deriving a backward-looking term rate.
                • The STR is a suitable rate for use in EURIBOR fallback arrangements.

              Discontinuation of EONIA: the urgent need for a rate transition

                • As EONIA has been converted into a STR tracker rate, the benefits of switching to the STR may not be immediately obvious.
                • There are two reasons why market participants should urgently work on their preparedness for an orderly transition from EONIA to the STR.
                • First, the discontinuation of EONIA is imminent, with its last publication scheduled for 3 January 2022.
                • If the proposed fallback provisions were ever activated, the market would have to rely extensively on the STR.
                • The ECB will continue to facilitate the replacement of EONIA in euro area markets by maintaining a robust and representative STR.

              Conclusion

                • The STR is an ideal candidate for this transition.
                • It can support market participants in building robust fallback procedures for a potential discontinuation of EURIBOR.
                • Users should therefore swiftly replace EONIA and make wider use of the STR in cash and derivatives markets.
                • I would also like to thank the ECB team that has been supporting the working group by providing the secretariat.
                • I now wish all of you an insightful and productive roundtable.

              Eurosystem staff macroeconomic projections for the euro area, December 2020

              Retrieved on: 
              Friday, December 11, 2020

              OverviewNevertheless, the recent intensification of containment measures in response to a strong resurgence of coronavirus (COVID-19) infections across countries is expected to result in another decline in activity in the fourth quarter.

              Key Points: 

              Overview

                • Nevertheless, the recent intensification of containment measures in response to a strong resurgence of coronavirus (COVID-19) infections across countries is expected to result in another decline in activity in the fourth quarter.
                • Activity is also expected to be subdued in the first quarter of 2021.
                • Despite this near-term setback, positive news on the development of vaccines gives cause for greater confidence in the assumption of a gradual resolution of the health crisis throughout 2021 and in early 2022.
                • Thus, even though the near-term outlook has deteriorated, the path of euro area GDP from 2022 is expected to be broadly similar to that foreseen in the September 2020 ECB staff projections.
                • Overall, the baseline foresees HICP inflation rebounding from 0.2% in 2020 to 1.0% in 2021 and then gradually increasing further to 1.1% in 2022 and 1.4% in 2023.
                • The mild scenario sees a more successful containment of the virus, a swift roll-out of vaccines and limited scarring.
                • In this scenario, real GDP would rebound by 6.0% next year, reaching pre-crisis levels as early as the end of 2021, with inflation rising to 1.5% in 2023.

              1 Key assumptions underlying the projections

                • The baseline rests on a number of critical assumptions concerning the evolution of the pandemic.
                • In this context, the currently prevailing high uncertainty is also assumed to gradually decline over the projection horizon.
                • Similar assumptions regarding the evolution of the pandemic are made for the international environment (see Box 2).
                • These measures include extensive job retention schemes to cushion the impact of the collapse in activity on employment and labour incomes.
                • Measures relating to the NGEU recovery fund amounting to around 0.5% of GDP in each year in 2021-23 (i.e.
                • In addition, the monetary, fiscal and prudential policy measures will help to contain adverse real-financial feedback loops throughout the projection horizon.
                • possible exchange rate and financial disruptions relating to the move to WTO/MFN terms have not been considered.

              2 Real economy

                • Real GDP registered a strong, yet incomplete, rebound in the third quarter of 2020.
                • According to Eurostat, real GDP rose by 12.5% in the third quarter (see Chart 1).
                • Nevertheless, despite the strong increase in activity in the third quarter, the recovery remained incomplete, with the level of real GDP in the third quarter of 2020 being 4.4% below its level in the fourth quarter of 2019.
                • Chart 1 Euro area real GDP (quarter-on-quarter percentage changes, seasonally and working day-adjusted quarterly data)
                • The tightening of containment measures in October and November 2020 across euro area countries is expected to lead to another contraction in real GDP in the fourth quarter.
                • Faced with rapidly increasing numbers of new COVID-19 cases, many euro area countries announced partial lockdown measures starting in mid-October.
                • Recently announced targeted fiscal measures to support the sectors affected by the lockdown will also mitigate the overall decline in activity.
                • Overall, real GDP is expected to decline by 2.2% in the fourth quarter of 2020 and to rebound only marginally in the first quarter of 2021.
                • Nevertheless, real GDP will recover only gradually, reaching the 2019 pre-crisis level by mid-2022 and exceeding it by 2% in 2023.
                • Private consumption rebounded strongly in the third quarter of 2020 following a cumulated decline of 16.3% in the first half of 2020.
                • Despite the strong rebound in the third quarter, the initial losses in private consumption were only partly recovered.
                • The fluctuations in private consumption in the first three quarters of 2020 contrast with a much more muted profile of real disposable income, which was stabilised by government support, and this has resulted in sharp changes in the saving ratio.
                • Thereafter, it is projected to resume recovering in 2021 and to surpass its pre-crisis level in mid-2022.
                • The technical assumptions about interest rates and commodity prices are based on market expectations with a cut-off date of 18November 2020.
                • The methodology gives an average level for these short-term interest rates of -0.4% in 2020 and -0.5% in 2021-23.
                • This implies an average exchange rate of USD1.18 per euro over the period 2021-23, which is unchanged from the September 2020 ECB staff projections.
                • The assumption for the effective exchange rate of the euro has been revised down by 0.7% since the September 2020 ECB staff projections.
                • The sharp and sudden contraction in housing investment in 2020 is expected to be only gradually reversed over the projection horizon.
                • A severe decline in the first half of 2020 was a result of the lockdowns, the collapse in global and domestic demand and a surge in uncertainty.
                • While business investment is estimated to have rebounded strongly in the third quarter, another contraction is expected in the fourth quarter.
                • As a result, euro area business investment is expected to reach its pre-crisis level in mid-2022.
                • Corporate gross indebtedness is expected to increase slightly further in the near term, before declining moderately but remaining clearly above the end-2019 level in 2023.
                • Overall, global real GDP (excluding the euro area) is seen to have expanded at a rate of 6.7% in the third quarter (2.0 percentage points more than foreseen in the September 2020 projections).
                • Recent survey data point to continued, but moderating, growth momentum in global economic activity and trade at the start of the fourth quarter.
                • After contracting by 3.0% in 2020, global real GDP (excluding the euro area) is projected to expand by 5.8% in 2021 and to grow at an average rate of 3.8% over 2022-23.
                • The rebound in economic activity is projected to be stronger in emerging market economies compared with the advanced economies.
                • In the United States, the economy is projected to rebound in 2021 and the real GDP growth rate is projected to gradually normalise by 2023.
                • Compared with the September 2020 projections, global real GDP growth (excluding the euro area) has been revised up for 2020 and down for 2021, while it is broadly unchanged for 2022.
                • The lockdowns introduced to contain the pandemic also resulted in a sharp decline in imports.
                • However, pent-up demand in export-oriented industries and the lifting of many restrictions contributed to a strong rebound in imports and exports in the third quarter.
                • As a result, export market shares are expected to remain below pre-pandemic levels until the end of the projection horizon.
                • Net trade contributions to GDP will stay rather muted from 2021 and will not offset the negative contribution in 2020.
                • Employment in the third quarter of 2020 was, nevertheless, still 2.2% below the level recorded in the fourth quarter of 2019.
                • As the labour force continues to normalise and workers exit from job retention schemes, the unemployment rate is projected to increase further to a peak of 9.3% in 2021 before declining to 7.5% in 2023 as the economy recovers.
                • Labour productivity growth per person employed is projected to decline in 2020 and to recover thereafter over the projection horizon.
                • Real GDP growth is revised up for 2020, reflecting the much better than expected outcome in the third quarter which more than compensates for the downward revision to the fourth quarter due to the resurgence of the pandemic.

              3 Prices and costs

                • HICP inflation is expected to bounce back from 0.2% in 2020 to 1.0% in 2021 and then increase gradually further to 1.4% in 2023 (see Chart 2).
                • The bounceback in 2021 reflects, to a large extent, base effects in HICP energy inflation related to the sharp fall in oil prices at the onset of the global COVID-19 outbreak, as well as the reversal of the VAT tax cut in Germany.
                • In 2022 and 2023 HICP energy inflation is expected to stand around 1.6% and thus to have an upward impact on headline inflation.
                • The expected gradual increase in headline inflation to a rate of 1.4% in 2023 is thus significantly bolstered by the more volatile HICP items.
                • HICP inflation excluding energy and food is expected to gradually increase from 0.7% in 2020 to 1.2% in 2023.
                • The subdued underlying inflation dynamics in the shorter term reflect weak demand stemming from the dampening of activity and income developments by COVID-19-related restrictions.
                • Job retention schemes imply high volatility in compensation per employee growth but buffer the impact of movements in economic activity on firms wage costs.
                • Growth in unit labour costs is likely to show strong fluctuations over the projection horizon but is expected to provide, on balance, only muted inflationary pressures.
                • Profit margins are expected to broadly buffer the strong swings in unit labour costs over the projection horizon.
                • Towards the end of the projection horizon profit margins are expected to have a broadly neutral impact on inflationary pressures, which, by that time, stem essentially from labour costs again.
                • Import price dynamics are expected to display a similar pattern to those of oil prices, implying moderate growth in the second half of the projection horizon.
                • The positive import price inflation rate in these years reflects some upward price pressures from commodity prices but also the impact of global price dynamics more generally in a recovering world economy.
                • These effects are partly offset by a dampening impact of the appreciation of the euro over the course of 2020.
                • This is amplified by increased insolvencies, which lead to credit frictions that adversely affect the borrowing costs of households and firms.
                • At the same time, monetary, fiscal and prudential policies are assumed to contain very severe financial amplification effects.
                • The same broad narratives underlie the scenarios for the global economy and thus for euro area foreign demand.
                • The mild scenario sees a notable rebound in the first half of 2021 and a further strengthening of economic activity in the remainder of 2021, triggered by the assumed swift implementation of medical solutions which gives rise to confidence effects.
                • The negative effects of the pandemic are projected to largely fade out by the end of 2022 when GDP in the mild scenario returns close to the level of GDP envisaged in the pre-crisis December 2019 Eurosystem staff projections.
                • Under the severe scenario, economic activity declines further at the start of 2021 before recovering moderately thereafter.
                • Alternative scenarios for real GDP and HICP inflation in the euro area (index: Q4 2019 = 100 (left-hand chart); year-on-year rate (right-hand chart))
                • Euro area labour markets would recover in the mild scenario, as policies would largely succeed in preventing hysteresis effects that are only partially contained in the severe scenario.
                • In the mild scenario, the unemployment rate follows similar dynamics as in the baseline, peaking in 2021 after the currently expected end of most of the government support measures and reverting quickly to its pre-crisis level in 2022.
                • As regards HICP inflation, both scenarios see some rebound in the short term.

              4 Fiscal outlook

                • The fiscal stance[3] is assessed to be highly expansionary in 2020.
                • This is mainly underpinned by the extraordinary fiscal measures taken by all euro area countries in response to the pandemic.
                • Uncertainty remains with respect to the size, timing and composition of the fiscal stimulus to be funded by the NGEU package.
                • Overall, the fiscal stance for 2021 indicates a reduction of the stimulus, although to a lesser extent than assumed in the September 2020 ECB staff projections.
                • The increase in the budget deficit in 2020 stems from the emergency fiscal measures and the negative cyclical component, which reflects the worsening of macroeconomic conditions.
                • The decline in the budget deficit in 2021 mainly relates to the partial unwinding of the emergency fiscal measures, while the cyclical component recovers only marginally.
                • Finally, in 2023, with a broadly neutral fiscal stance and better cyclical conditions, the budget balance is projected to improve further to -3% of GDP.
                • However, these forecasts are not strictly comparable with one another or with the Eurosystem staff macroeconomic projections, as they are finalised at different points in time.
                • They are also based on different assumptions about the future evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic.
                • Additionally, these projections use different methods to derive assumptions for fiscal, financial and external variables, including oil and other commodity prices.
                • The current projection for real GDP growth in 2022 is notably higher than other forecasts, possibly on account of a stronger rebound from the weaker short-term outlook and also additional fiscal measures.


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